Posts Tagged ‘Democracy’

ZoneAsia-Pk: THE SHARIF ‘SIAPA’

May 15, 2013

By Ghalib Sultan
ZoneAsia-Pk

‘Siapa’ is a wonderfully expressive Punjabi word almost impossible to accurately translate into English. It means a development or situation full of interconnected problems, difficulties, contradictions and intrigues – not easy to resolve and not easy to live with. Why should the elections that catapulted the Sharifs to power be a ‘siapa’?

For starters there is the track record of their past stints in power. The first time around they had a President who was a thorough gentleman dedicated to democracy and ready to help them govern. There was also an army Chief who was a thorough professional with zero interest in politics ready to support in every way. The elder Sharif went into totally unnecessary confrontations with them egged on with the sycophants and jesters around him. He took the situation to the point where there was a ludicrous confrontation between the institutions that were a phone call away from each other. The result was an Army brokered arrangement with both the President and the Sharif departing ignominiously.

The second time around there was an equally supportive and gentlemanly President and an equally professional Army Chief. In addition there was a Chief Justice who wanted to uphold the Constitution and the rule of law. Once again the elder Sharif with the same motley crowd around him confronted each one to the point where each left in disgust. With no sense of reality and amid much victorious chest thumping the Sharifs thought they had it made – their own President, their own Chief justice, and horror of horrors, the perception that by ignoring seniority and making an Army Chief of their choice they had finally conquered the military. This perception was rudely shattered when the ‘man of their choice’ proceeded to endanger the country’s security and then sent them off to jail. The next 10 years are directly attributable to these shenanigans of the Sharifs. An editorial in the London Economist of May 20, 1999 makes interesting and instructive reading. It also points to the horror that awaits us if the Sharifs are unchanged – Allah forbid. A nuclear test may be a notch in the belt but it can be a millstone around the neck if you cannot secure the country!!

The wish is that instead of hare brained schemes and incompetent sycophants the Sharifs will now bring competent teams for policy making, for governance and interaction abroad. We also know that if wishes were horses beggars would ride. The elder Sharif publicly prayed that he be given a mandate so that he did not have to deal with a messy coalition. He got it. But he had also got it in 1997 and blew it. Not only did he and his family go down but more importantly the country once again went down into the dungeon of military rule. What the Sharifs have never understood is that the mandate given to them is not for testing their manhood but for guiding this country and its hapless citizens to security and prosperity. They have to serve and not lord it over everyone and no one wants them to assemble a cast of minions, lackeys and sycophants. These can be left in the farmhouse in Jati Umra and trotted out for entertainment there.

Horse-trading and hypocrisy: Well done, Nawaz Sharif!

March 1, 2011

I strongly object to the use of the term horse-trading. A horse is a loyal animal but the term horse-trading is used for sell outs who betray their parties for temporary benefits.


Sharif may have opposed horse-trading earlier, but has conveniently forgotten about that.

Nawaz Sharif introduced the 14th Amendment to prevent floor crossing for political gain – a law which leads to the disqualification of a person who changes parties too frequently. A similar anti horse-trading clause was also introduced in the recently passed 18th Amendment.

Here’s a little recap of how this trade was practised:

After the 2008 elections, the PPP seized power in Balochistan contradictory to their ‘demoratic views’ and joined hands with defectors of PML-Q (whom Zardari referred to as Qatil league).

PML-Q was the biggest parliamentary group in Balochistan but decided to join the PPP. Those PML-Q defectors formed government in Balochistan and ended up with important portfolios in the cabinet.

The same phenomenon is now being adopted by Nawaz Sharif. He sings song of democracy, morality, and law over and over again but to save his own government in Punjab he too has started playing foul. He is now using defectors of the PML-Q to save his brother’s government.

Sharif has brought horses in Punjab just like Zardari did in Balochistan. With the recent move of giving a separate identity to these PML-Q defectors in the Punjab Assembly with the name unification bloc, he has exposed Pakistani politics as a farce.

The leader of the Unification Block in Punjab Atta Manika said that the 18th amendment’s floor crossing clause will come into effect after the next elections.

To him, I’d like to ask why the appointment of judges is taking place under the 18th and 19th Amendment’s Judicial Commission.

The anti-constitutional route Sharif has taken to save his government in Punjab is not only condemnable but also raises questions about his credibility. He claims there are no charges of corruption against him and his brother – but is this horse-trading is not equivalent to corruption?

The biggest controversy surrounds those who willingly become horses and offer themselves for auction in the political circus of Pakistan. They should be barred from politics for life because there is simply no justification for such practices.

Coming back to linguistics, it would be better to use the word ‘donkey trading’ for such a practice and the defectors should be called donkeys, a much more suitable term for these shameless sellouts.

Breaking free from the quicksand

October 14, 2010

Ameer Bhutto

It is said that whom the gods wish to destroy, they first make mad. With each passing day the Zardari administration grows more rash and reckless in the absence of any sane restraining political force. This recklessness vividly illustrates a schizophrenic pattern of behaviour that borders on political suicidal tendencies which threaten to derail a lot more than just their power joyride. The latest examples of their out-of-control egos are the clandestine promulgation of the NAB Ordinance on September 16 and the appointment of the new NAB Chairman in contravention of the rules and laws. These acts of government go beyond defiance of laws. They are an open challenge to the rule of law and the state institutions entrusted with safeguarding them.

All that seems to matter to those who have sneaked into power, not on a mandate based on merit but on a sympathy-vote after Benazir Bhutto’s assassination, and are wreaking havoc with the nation with their pyromaniacal conduct, is their own draconian will. Rule of law, judicial verdicts, the constitution, the imperatives of democracy and decent transparent conduct be damned. The fact that nearly every significant move this government makes is challenged in court is itself a moral indictment against them.

If the new NAB Ordinance was issued on September 16, why was it kept secret till several days later? Why was the prime minister kept completely in the dark about it? Parliament alone enjoys the direct mandate of the people to make laws and govern. Why was the new NAB law not placed before it instead of being issued as an ordinance by the president, who was elected not by the people but the members of parliament? Governance through presidential ordinances is an undemocratic attempt to bypass the will of the people vested in parliament to establish one-man dictatorship. Predictably, the legality of this ordinance has been challenged in court.

Similarly, the appointment of Deedar Shah as the new NAB Chairman reeks not just of blatant nepotism but a poorly veiled effort on the part of this NRO government to escape accountability for their corruption and other crimes by appointing a handpicked man who might shield them from the law. The Supreme Court verdicts in the Al-Jihad and NRO cases make it clear that the NAB Chairman is to be appointed after meaningful consultation with not just the leader of the opposition in parliament, but also the chief justice.

In fact, the government sought more time from the Supreme Court to make this appointment on the specific grounds that such consultations had not as yet been undertaken. Having bought time, the government went on to abuse the privilege by appointing their handpicked man without meaningful consultations with anyone. Apart from the legal problems with Deedar Shah’s appointment as Chairman NAB, there are political and moral issues as well. This man thrice contested on a Peoples’ Party ticket for a Sindh provincial assembly seat, winning twice. He is still well known as a confirmed jiyala and everyone knows where his loyalties lie. How can he be expected to be impartial in cases against his party leaders?

Keeping in mind the glaringly obvious violations of the rules and requirements of impartiality, how could the government possibly conceive that it would get away with his appointment? It too has been challenged in court. But the more intriguing question is why would they want to take actions that are bound to land them in thicker soup than they already are in? Does this not illustrate a comprehensive and arrogant disregard for the due process of law? Does this not point to an all-encompassing political death wish?

This is not good governance. This is not even bad governance. It is an unabashed rape of law, democracy and state institutions and it has been going on for two and a half years. This government has gotten away with it because it has been given carte blanche to do as it pleases under the preposterous justification of preserving ‘the system’.

During the tenure of this government, real opposition has existed for just one day; March 15, 2009, the day of the long march, which produced results within hours. Other than that, the government’s sleaze has flowed pretty much unimpeded. Even before the devastating floods, the people had voluntarily abdicated their democratic responsibility of holding their leaders accountable. But since the floods they are engaged in a day-to-day battle for survival and issues of legal and constitutional propriety couldn’t be further from their minds. As such, the government now feels totally unrestricted in pursuing its agenda of corruption.

How long can this go on? The answer is very simple; it will go on for as long as the people are willing to bear the pain and suffering in silence. The Zardari administration has done more than anyone or anything since the Ayub/Yahya days to push the country to the precipice of revolution. If the people wish to survive the corruption and incompetence that characterise this government, they have to make a last ditch-stand against this government, just as it has made a last ditch-stand against the rule of law. The people have been badly let down by their leaders in government and opposition alike. They will have to wipe the slate clean and begin afresh, with a new order, a new vision, a new ideal, led by clean, able and competent leaders who must rise from amongst their ranks rather than from a hijacked dynasty.

Does all this sound like an idealistic dream? Yes, very much so. But it is precisely conditions such as these that breed idealism and it is from the belly of idealism that all the great popular revolutions of the world have been born. This is the way it will have to be in Pakistan too if we want to survive and thrive. There is no future for this nation under the decay of the status quo and its proponents who are running the country like a Tehsildar runs a Tehsil.

The seeds of salvation cannot be found in the quicksand of a failed and painful present or past. We must break free from this quicksand. It is shocking that some people still take Musharraf seriously. It is only a reflection of the horrible mess this government has made that even he now appears more palatable than the current lot. But what hope of a better future could possibly emanate from a man who carried out a military coup first against an elected government and then against the judiciary, shredding what remained of democracy and the constitution, ruled with the aid of corrupt and disreputable political mercenaries, sold Pakistani citizens to foreign powers for a fistful of dollars and mortgaged national sovereignty before them in exchange for power? It does not suffice to set a country down the path to oblivion and then say “Oops, I am sorry!”.

Perhaps as a consequence of the repeated letdowns and betrayals we have suffered at the hands of supposed messiahs and saviours, we have reached the point of being terrified of anything new, novel and unfamiliar and prefer to seek solace in the already known. That is why, instead of moving ahead towards a bright new future, we look for answers in the past, which we dronishly cling to despite the harm it has caused. Is it any wonder that we keep going round in circles and find ourselves standing at the edge of the same precipice time and again?

Waiting for anarchy?

September 2, 2010

By: Ikram Sehgal

In an attempt to calm the furore raised by his “asking for martial law,” MQM chief Altaf Hussain said: “If my speech is reviewed thoroughly, nowhere have I demanded the imposition of martial law in the country.” He was commenting on his asking “patriotic generals to adopt some line of action on the pattern of martial laws to change the fate of the country. The army should effect change only under the writ of the Supreme Court, invoking Article 190 of the Constitution.” He said he was “advocating a new setup because the present political system will never change even if repeated elections are held under the present leadership. The Bangladeshi model could be followed with some changes in accordance with the specific conditions in Pakistan.”

The deep frustration with his coalition partners who abound with feudals was evident. “The new government should seize all the lands of the corrupt landlords who diverted the floodwater to save their own lands. These people should be hanged.” Strong stuff indeed! The most vocal critics of his asking for a martial law were dismissed as themselves (meaning, specifically, Mian Nawaz Sharif and the PML-N) being “products of martial law.”

Nobody in his right mind wants a martial law, but what is there to stop the systematic breakdown of the rule of law in the country? While the country is not yet in a state of anarchy, the federal government certainly seems to be. As time goes by, damage-control and recovery of stable governance in a rapidly deteriorating situation will be much harder. One can only pick up the pieces if there are any pieces left to pick up. This country may well descend into anarchy while staying true to the concept of the democracy that exists today. While we are not a failed state, our existence as a state may be in question.

The unenthusiastic response from inside and outside the country to the government’s requests for flood-relief aid exposes the government’s trust deficit. However, slow to respond initially, both the international community and the Pakistani public are showing their generosity through donations to private NGOs like the Eidhi and MKR Foundations, UN agencies like the IOM, UNHCR and WEF, or the Pakistani army. Why is Kayani asking businessmen and others across the country to send family packs through the army’s relief teams? Does he know something about the government’s credibility that we don’t? This trust deficit has reached every walk of life.

Cricket is an opiate for the intelligentsia and the masses alike in Pakistan (as it is in India, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh). Consider the nationwide shock when it was found that our teenage hero, Mohammad Amir, stands accused (with others) of “spot-fixing.” Many actually shed tears over this.

The Sialkot lynching incident shows what happens when an aroused public becomes a mob and the police become bystanders. The prevailing mass feeling is that those at the helm of affairs can get away with anything, and that the Supreme Court and army are simply bystanders. Flouting the rule of law–indeed, the sheer contempt for it–has been in place for five decades. The present government has simply institutionalised this, and is carrying it out in a more brazen fashion than earlier rulers, military dictators included.

Because of the government’s defiance of it, the Supreme Court is unable to get its judgments enforced. They are implemented only when the court seriously so desires; for example, the extension given to the 32 additional judges of the provincial high courts to prevent a judicial collapse in the provinces. Whether it is the Swiss case, the NRO, the Steel Mills scam, the fake-degree holders’ scandal, the government has defiantly avoided executive action. When the Supreme Court instructed that Narcotics Secretary Tariq Khosa should investigate the Bank of Punjab case, the government flatly refused to comply. With their authority and integrity repeatedly questioned, even openly attacked, what about the more blatant contempt of the Supreme Court by various functionaries?

All the good work done by the NAB has been made infructuous. Evidence has openly been tampered with, and case after case in accountability courts has been withdrawn on flimsy grounds. The most shameful act was using Nazi-like strong-arm tactics to get Geo off the air. Even in the face of outright perjury, the Supreme Court had some difficulty enforcing its writ to get Geo transmissions resumed. What about the test case of Joint Secretary Nasreen Pervaiz–the merciless persecution of an honest and upright female civil servant restored by a Supreme Court judgment but which the Election Commission refuses to honour?

The application of the “doctrine of necessity” goes wrong when those who apply it tend to forget that their role is limited, to support governance by technocrats only for a short period and not become part of it. Becoming part of the wrong they came to correct, they force-multiply the wrongs into a catastrophe, like Musharraf eventually did. Enforcing “the Bangladesh model” in 2007, with the full support of the Supreme Court, Gen Moeen, the COAS of the Bangladeshi army, set a wonderful precedence when he returned the army to barracks in early 2009, subsequently retiring after a few months. Could any court in the world prosecute Gen Moeen or any of his associates for pre-empting civil war and anarchy facing the country? What is the failsafe line in Pakistan? It would be useful to read up on the concept of “Clear and Present Danger” enunciated by one of the most eminent jurists of his time, US judge Oliver Wendell Holmes. What happens if the public confidence in the Supreme Court erodes?

Collapse of faith in the superior judiciary will hasten the country’s descent into anarchy. With its hands full, the army may not be able to control the situation without mass bloodshed. That will be fatal for the country and all of us who subscribe to civilised society, and that is exactly what the militants want: the breakdown of the fabric that holds Pakistani society together.

he “doctrine of necessity” then begins to sound palatable despite the Supreme Court’s ruling.

Quite a number in parliament possess fake degrees. Why are the political parties trying to protect them? What credibility does that give to the political process and to parliament? Madame de Stael said of Napoleon’s coup d’etat: “As soon as the moral power of the national representation was destroyed, a legislative body, whatever it might be, meant no more to the military than a crowd of five hundred men, less vigorous and disciplined than a battalion of the same number.”

The army has no business running the government (or businesses, either, for that matter), but it face’s a Hobson’s choice. Will it remain a bystander and let “democracy” run the country out of existence? There is a joke in Western circles that countries have armies but “the Pakistani army has a country.” Unless the Supreme Court can get its judgments enforced, the day may well come when it will be too late and this army finds itself without a country.

Insurgent Movements in India

August 5, 2010

Paper read by Brig. (R) Usman Khalid at LISA Seminar on

Insurgent Movements in India – London, July 14, 2010

India has been a home to many insurgent movements ever since it came into being in 1947. It is because India is not one nation; it is many nations too numerous to count. India was united under imperial rule – first in Asoka’s Buddhist Empire, then in Muslim Empires who ruled India for 800 years, which was followed by British rule who took a hundred years to conquer and consolidate India and then ruled it from 1857 to 1947. No Hindu Empire ever ruled the whole of the Indian sub-continent; Hindu Empires controlled only the Ganges Valley. In fact, the word Hindu was used by the Persians to describe peoples who lived beyond Sindh. They knew of Sindh; Hind was the space beyond; Hindu were the people who lived in that space. But the peoples we call Hindu today did not call themselves Hindu or their religion Hinduism; they called their religion Sanatan Dharm. The word Hindu had a denigrating connotation like the word ‘nigger’ used for the black people. It was the British who used the word Hindu to describe every one who was not a Muslim. The Hindus resented it in the beginning but then understood the merit of the term being used for all non-Muslims because it gave them an advantage of numbers and made them a majority in an era of ‘majority rule’.

The indigenous peoples of India, who had been outside the pail of Hinduism and treated as untouchables, were grateful at first that Mahatma Gandhi embraced them into the fold of Hinduism. However, they know better now. Their inclusion in the fold of Hinduism allowed the Congress Party to claim the support of the majority and eventually the legitimacy to take over the rule of India from the British. But the Gandhian inclusion did not change their life; social apartheid practised against the Untouchables became worse as the Brahmin replaced the British as rulers over areas which had never been ruled by Hindus before. Today, the non Hindu majority in India, which comprises 85% of the population, is treated like minorities because they are divided in myriad of castes. The caste division of the erstwhile outcastes, who are 65% of the population, allows 15% caste Hindus to maintain control over the non-Hindu. The caste Hindus also have better education and maintain mafia like unity among themselves. The indigenous peoples of India have since become aware of the non-existence of apartheid elsewhere and prevalence of egalitarianism in the whole world except India. The internet and electronic media has given confidence to the 85% non-Hindus that they can determine their destiny and chart their own course. Insurgent Movements in India have proliferated because of worldwide triumph of egalitarianism under the flag of faiths – Islam, Buddhism and Christianity – and non faiths like Communism.

Movements for Self-Determination

There are two types of insurgent movements in India. (Most of these are liberation not insurgent movements, but I use the term as used by official India.) One category is the movements of the oppressed for their rights; the other is movements for self-determination by peoples who were sovereign nations or were a part of a nation other than Hindu. There are three movements in the latter category:

Jammu and Kashmir (J&K)

It is a Muslim majority state which should have been a part of Pakistan on the basis of the principle of partition – Muslim majority areas to be Pakistan and non-Muslim majority areas to be India. It had been a part of every Muslim empire in India until the Moghul hold over power grew weak and their empire disintegrated. The Punjab and Kashmir became a part of the Sikh Empire. By a quirk of History, this state ended up being sold to a Dogra Hindu ruler – Gulab Singh – as reward for his treachery to the Sikh rulers of the Punjab which resulted in the defeat of the Sikhs by the British in 1849. Dogra rule was sometimes benign but mostly repressive. The people rebelled against the tyrannical rule of Maharaja Hari Singh in 1931. The insurrection continued sporadically until 1947 when the people liberated the territory known as Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan. India says that the ruler signed an instrument of accession to give the state to India but no such document has ever been made public. In any case, India went to the UN Security Council to get it to endorse its claim. But the UN refused and decided that the people of Jammu and Kashmir would decide their future in a UN supervised plebiscite. Both India and Pakistan agreed to a plebiscite to allow the Kashmiri people to decide which country they wanted to join – India or Pakistan. In 1957, India went back on its agreement using as an excuse Pakistan having signed a Mutual Defence Agreement with the United States. Pakistan and India have since fought three wars over Kashmir which were territorially inconclusive. In 1971 War, Pakistan lost East Pakistan to India. The Kashmiri people lost faith in Pakistan’s ability to secure their right of self-determination. They decided to change course and decided to take part in elections which they had boycotted insisting on a plebiscite instead. They formed an alliance of all Muslim parties to take part in the elections in 1987. Polls indicated that the ‘alliance’ would inflict a crushing defeat on the ruling ‘National Conference’. But the elections in 1987 were massively rigged by force and fraud to secure the victory of the National Conference. The people of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) lost the little faith they had in India’s willingness to allow democracy in their state. They took to the gun in 1989 and the insurrection has continued ever since.

The insurgent movement has passed through several phases. The Kashmiris are much more optimistic about their success with the advent of ‘asymmetrical war’. They believe that if the erstwhile Soviet Union and the sole super power – USA – can be defeated in Afghanistan, why can’t India be defeated which is neither more powerful than them nor the Kashmiris as friendless as the Afghans. Clearly, the tactics for asymmetrical war are evolved and learnt over time. The Kashmiris are following in the footsteps of the Palestinians. The word Intifada has entered their vocabulary; they are evolving their own methods to fight and continue their war of liberation against India.

The Khalistan Movement

The Sikhs were the rulers of the Punjab until 1849. Unlike the Hindus who had enjoyed sovereignty only in epics and myths, the Sikhs have a clear memory of their rule. The Sikhs are one people who wear their identity; their beard and turban makes a Sikh identifiable in every corner of the globe. They were recognised by the British as separate nation and they were consulted in every scheme for self-rule. But they had a problem. They were too few in numbers and were not in majority in any part of the Punjab. The leader of the Muslim League – Muhammed Ali Jinnah – offered the Sikhs their separate sovereign state in the Punjab if they opposed the partition of the province. One cannot blame the Sikhs for not taking up that offer because it was far from certain if the Muslims would get Pakistan which included the whole of Punjab. The Akali leader of the time – Master Tara Singh – trusted the Congress leadership who made a similar but vague promise of a sovereign state for the Sikhs. When the Punjab was partitioned on the basis of Muslim and non-Muslim, the Sikhs ended up being included among the Hindus. The Sikhs who migrated from the Pakistani Punjab were spread all across India to deny them numerical majority in the Indian Punjab. The Sikhs felt betrayed and continue to feel betrayed that they have been denied their own sovereign state.

The Sikh struggle for self-determination has passed through several phases. When the provincial boundaries were being redrawn in India on ethnic lines, the Sikhs demanded a Punjabi Suba (province). But Punjabi speaking Hindus declared themselves to be ‘Hindi speakers’ in the census; the Punjabi identity was owned only by the Sikhs. In consequence, the Indian Punjab was split into three provinces – Haryana, Punjab and Himachal Pradesh thus restricting the Sikhs to majority status only in much smaller new Punjab. The Sikhs have been the victims of other excesses as well. They have been denied the right to buy farm land in other provinces but non-Sikhs can buy land in the Punjab. The Sikhs, most of who are farmers, resent not being allowed to buy land in Himachal or Haryana. The space for them to farm and flourish is being shrunk all the time. The Sikhs feel they have been betrayed and taken advantage of, and denied due reward for their industry and enterprise. What upsets them more is that the rulers of India impose collaborators on them as their leaders – religious as well as temporal. The rise of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale was a response to the imposition of collaborators. That response made Delhi so nervous that it attacked the Durbar Sahib in June 1984. The Sikhs retaliated by assassinating Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in November the same year. Although the Hindu efforts at subversion of the Sikh faith and imposition of collaborators as leaders appear to be successful, the anger and resentment against Delhi continues to increase. As Dr Gurmit Singh Aulakh, the President of the Council of Khalistan has said, “The Sikh nation had been crushed twice before in its history but it emerged triumphant every time it was pronounced dead”. He is right. The appointment of a Sikh – Manmohan Singh- as the Prime Minister of India was an attempt to mollify the Sikhs. In reality, it is evidence of fear in Hindu ranks. There is no active insurgent movement in the Indian Punjab at the moment. But the Diaspora Sikhs, who lead the struggle for self-determination, now, are better aware of the importance of the ‘right time’ and of making friends. They wait because that is the dictate of wisdom.

Seven States of Assam

All the seven states of Assam were one province in British India. Muslim majority Sylhet District was also a part of Assam but it was given to Pakistan after the people decided in a referendum to join Pakistan. Most of its population was either tribal or Muslim; caste Hindus were a small minority. Caste apartheid, which is the chief characteristic of India’s social scene, did not exist in Assam. It was one of the most socio-economically advanced regions of British India. Since parts of it were captured by the Japanese during the Second World War, it had experienced war on the side of British India. The Assamese leaders put their weight behind the Congress Party hoping to be autonomous as that was dictated by its history and geography. Historically, Assam was never ruled from Delhi – not even by the Mughals – until the advent of the British rule. The British brought unprecedented prosperity by the introduction of tea cultivation and spread of education. Geographically, Assam has long international frontiers with China, Myanmar and Bangladesh but is linked with India through a 17 mile wide corridor called the Siligury gap. Since Pakistan also had a claim on Assam, the Assamese leaders had a tacit understanding with the Congress party. They were also taken in by the ‘secularism’ of the Congress Party. The Assamese were promised autonomy within India so that it benefited from the richness of its soil, abundance of water and wealth of minerals including oil. But India treated Assam as cash cow and resorted to the most vicious kind of divide and rule policy. India split Assam into seven states; each state is named either after the prominent tribe or a former princely state. But all the states have people from other tribes which allow India to play politics within each state and sow discord between states. This game has gone on too long to be able to maintain India’s stranglehold over the states of Assam. There is an insurgent movement in each of the seven states of Assam with the most prominent being ULFA – United Liberation Front of Assam. All of the states want sovereignty and freedom from control from Delhi.

Nagaland, the land of fierce fighters, was the first to declare independence; it did so even before the British left in August 1947. Assam – the largest of the seven states – has the best organised force which is fighting the Indian Army. Arunachal Pradesh – erstwhile NEFA- was a part of Tibet (China) and is now claimed by China. That claim was thought to be a gesture to indicate disapproval of India playing host to Dalai Lama. Now it appears that China wishes to pursue its claim as strongly as its claim over Taiwan. Myanmar is a Buddhist country with a history of conflict with Brahmanism that killed Buddhism in its birth place – India – in the worst genocide in history. Bangladesh is a Muslim country presently ruled by a collaborator – Hasina Wazed – leading to mounting resentment of India in that country. The fire fights between the Indian Army and tribes do not make news even in India. The forgotten backyard status notwithstanding, the longest ever military campaign by the Indian Army has been going on in Assam. In its North east, India does not only face an insurrection within the seven states of Assam, it also faces three hostile neighbours who all have scores to settle. Assam is and would continue to be out of the spotlight for a time but this is where India is most vulnerable. With its collaborators installed as the ruling party in Bangladesh that country has since arrested and handed over the entire ULFA leadership to India. This may appear like victory. But it has added Bangladesh in the list of countries to be liberated from Indian control. The people of Bangladesh and the Seven States of Assam are on the same side for the first time. All they need to do is to remove collaborators from power. To a great extent India’s own actions and policy have delivered a victory to the insurgent movements in the Seven States of Assam and Bangladesh. The war has been won; coup de grace haunts India the shadow of which looms large over the horizon.

Movements for Socio-Political and Economic Justice

India being an apartheid society and an imperial state, was bound to resort to oppression and military force to maintain its integrity. It followed in the footsteps of its predecessor imperial power – Great Britain – not only in retaining the laws and the constitution introduced by the British, but also the military system. The locally recruited armed forces were used by British to build and defend its colonial empire. Unlike the society, the armed forces of India are very professional; ethnic and religious diversity has been used very cleverly and effectively to keep military discipline and unit pride the focus of military life. This allows India to use Sikh soldiers to assault the Golden Temple of Amritsar and Muslim soldiers to fight against Pakistan. The parliamentary form of democracy as evolved in India rewards all sorts of vote banks to make it appear inclusive while the agenda of the state is decided by high caste Hindus and their collaborators. This system has worked well to keep the armed forces under tight civil control and used freely for anti-people or colonial pursuits. But the system is under strain because of increasing awareness that the non-Hindus are a majority in India and they must have the right to decide its agenda.

There are many ethnic movements in India which either want their own separate state (province) or want the people from other states to be expelled. India has dealt with such movements usually by conceding their demands. But there are two movements that want a ‘revolution’ and change the state structure as well as the agenda of India. One of these is the ‘Maoist Movement’, which has different names and somewhat different objectives in different areas but all of these are driven by a ‘revolutionary urge’. The other is the ‘Islamic Movement’, which also has many names and different objectives in different areas but it is also driven by revolutionary urges. Both movements have an international dimension but it is the internal dimension – the constituency and the methods employed by the two movements in India – which I intend to outline today.

The Maoist Movement

The Naxalites – named after a small village in West Bengal – have been in existence for more than fifty years. They want ownership of their land, which is not new; but that they were prepared to kill the outsiders who occupied (and owned) it, is new. It was their methods, not their objectives that drew attention. The police was often able to track and hunt Naxalites and the movement had died down after the Communist Party won elections in West Bengal and ruled it continuously for decades. It was the Maoist insurgents who had been fighting the monarchy in Nepal who gave a new lease of life to the Naxalite Movement which has been reborn as the Maoist Movement. Since many leaders of the Maoist Movement were Brahmins, it did not have much credibility among the untouchables in India. As the Indian Government supported the Maoists of Nepal, suspicion grew that it was a cover for India to annex Nepal as it had done in Sikkim. The jury is still out on Nepal; no one really knows if it was RAW led clandestine operation or a genuine revolution. However, it is the speed with which the Maoists in India have taken control of much of the countryside that has surprised many. Maoists control some 250 districts in the forest areas, covering West Bengal, Orissa, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. It is surely not a RAW clandestine operation. What really is happening?

While India has been celebrating its rapid economic growth, its strategic alliance with the USA and Israel, and its membership of G-20, the dispossessed of India have become impatient. The long Communist rule over West Bengal neither brought equality nor prosperity; it brought a torrent of speeches by Communist ideologues but destitution spread wide and quick. To turn on the Communists rulers as well as the fat cats of Bengal simultaneously was very liberating for the people and gave credibility to the Maoists. Real revolutions occur when the methodology is clear and certain even though the objectives are vague and sometimes even contradictory. As long as there are landowning classes and high castes, they argue, there cannot be equality or freedom. The Maoists do not demand reform or even power; they want freedom. This is truly revolutionary. The ruling classes and castes in India have dealt with demands for reform or a share in state power. They ask erstwhile rebels to organise a political party and take part in elections. If they win, they concede their demands readily operating the dictum that “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely”. But the Maoists shun electoral politics. Maoism is founded on “all power flowing from the barrel of the gun”. The Indian Maoists follow the theory as well practice of Maoism as evolved in China. After the LONG MARCH, Chairman Mao scrupulously avoided cities and big battles. The Maoists in China controlled the countryside for decades before they took control of the whole of China striking with speed riding the crest of popular support.

It is too early to say if India would be able to draw the Maoists into the electoral net as they have done with the untouchables and the Communists. After experiencing the dragnet of electoral politics in Nepal, the Maoists of India are wary of electoral politics. At this time, they are focussed on changing the social structure of India because they realise that it is the social system that underpins a political system which furnishes a stable order to a state. Since the caste system is the social system of India and the Maoists are from the lowest strata of the caste hierarchy, they will inevitably make alliances with low castes in each state of India. These alliances would have to replace the alliances the Bahujan of India have with the two Brahmin parties of India – the Congress party and the BJP. The Brahmin parties might be liquidated in much of India in consequence of the Maoist revolution. What would follow is easy to guess but hard to forecast with any certainty.

The Islamic Movement

Islam flourished and gained more converts when it was a force for universalism and egalitarianism. Islam sees state power as an objective and an instrument to implement its egalitarian agenda. Capturing state power and to use it for the good of humanity has been the vehicle for becoming powerful. When Muslim states or rulers were defeated, it was attributed to: 1) the rulers being corrupt, incompetent, and deviant; 2) the society having abandoned true Islam. Since almost all Muslim majority states have been liberated and there are 56 Muslim majority sovereign states (called Darussalam in Muslim statecraft i.e. states where the Muslims enjoy political as well cultural sovereignty) in the world today. But there is unhappiness among all Muslims that: 1) Palestine and Kashmir are still under occupation of Israel and India respectively; and that 2) 150 million Muslims in India suffer persecution and oppression. The denial of justice to Palestinians and Kashmiris over such a long period of time has led to: 1) a rebellion against rulers, and) Jihad becoming an activity of the non-state, not the state.

The stirring among Muslims started in British India at the turn of the last century; its objective was to save the Caliphate in Istanbul. The Khilafat Movement, as it was called, failed because the Turks themselves had turned secular. Then the Islamic movement started in Egypt which attributed the defeat of Turks to embracing secularism. It matured in the time of President Nasser but it decided to oppose him when he was leading a powerful Arab Nationalist Movement against the West. The Arab Nationalist Movement as well as the Islamic Movement failed because they had drawn their weapons to oppose each other rather against their common enemy. But the land which had given birth to the Khilafat Movement gave rise to two further movements: 1) the Pakistan Movement aimed at creating a Muslim nation state in areas where the Muslims were in majority; 2) Deobandi Movement of reform and rebellion which drew inspirations from Wahabis of Saudi Arabia.

Theologically the Deobandis are identical to the Wahabi; they oppose secularism, Nationalism and the Nation State – even Muslim nation state. Ironically, they ended up being the allies of the Congress party which represented the Hindus but opposed the Pakistan Movement as well as the British Rule. They persist in that perverse logic even today. They identify America as the enemy and revile Muslim countries that are friendly to America as collaborators but they are supportive of ‘secular India’ which they declare Darulaman (house of peace) even though the lives, honour and livelihood of Muslims in India has come under increasing peril. However, the impact of the Wahabi Movement elsewhere in the Muslim world was different. They focussed on aqeeda (beliefs) and said that Muslims have begun to worship men instead of God (shirk) and embraced un-Islamic ideas like secularism and nationalism. Their stress on and interpretation of Tauheed (oneness of God) was deemed by most Muslims to be timely and reformist. But some of them began to require the state to punish people for sins, not just for crimes. Where the state hesitated to attribute to itself the role of God i.e. to punish the sinful for their sins, the Wahabis began to organise vigilantes to perform that role. The Red Mosque of Islamabad started a vigilante movement which was ruthlessly crushed by General Musharraf. The vigilantes became the Pakistani Taliban as the state indicted itself of an unjustified excess.

The Islamic Movements of all hues and form insist they want to restore the power and glory of Islam by establishing Khilafa (caliphate) and Sharia (Islamic Law) as the focal point of the society. In the world today organised as Nation States, their ideas are untenable. They ask Muslims to be disloyal to the state even where the state is Darussalam i.e. the Muslims enjoy political as well as cultural sovereignty. There are many shades of opinion but the most extreme are called the Takfiri, who hold the deviants to be worse than Kafir deserving of death. The Ikhwan al Muslimeen of Egypt and Jamaat i Islami of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh do not go to the extreme of prescribing death punishments for deviants and collaborators but they also wish to impose a view of sharia that is opposed to education for women, requires women to observe strict purdah, and gives a right to clerics to reform the sinful by severe punishments. The erstwhile Takfiris, called the Khwarji murdered the fourth Caliph – Ali RA. That enabled the rise of Empires in the Muslim World which denied the Muslims political maturity to deal with new crises. In the imperial era the Caliph alone could declare Jihad. Imperial war and Jihad became indistinguishable. Muslim Empires remained a vehicle for social egalitarianism and the Muslim Emperors extended patronage to creative activity among all their subjects whatever their religion, caste or creed. It was the superior weapons and military system developed in the West in the wake of the Industrial Revolution and Renaissance that eventually led to much of the Muslim lands being conquered and colonised by the West. It was during the 19th and the 20th Century that the Muslims began to wake up. Ironically, it was the Takfiri who challenged the status quo. In Egypt they opposed Arab Nationalism (calling it secular and un-Islamic) and were crushed. The Takfiri survive as Ikhwan al Muslimeen in Egypt. The other group of Takfiri oppose monarchies in the World of Islam. The most well known of such groups is Al-Qaeda, who could also have been crushed but for the Afghan Jihad.

In Afghanistan, Jihad emerged as ‘Peoples War against occupation’. It gained popularity and power and all liberation movements in the Muslim world are now accepted as legitimate Jihad. Unshackled from the need of a state to declare Jihad, call for Jihad is now made by the victims of occupation. It is the authority assumed by Jihadi groups – clerics or commanders – to declare Jihad which is the root cause of the instability and war in the Muslim countries today.

Paradoxically, clerics enjoy freedom to issue fatwas in Egypt and India where the state is secular. They do no fighting; they merely issue fatwas. The Deobandis of Pakistan who have organised themselves as a political party – Jamiat i Ulema i Islam (JUI) – have come to dominate the theological scene in Pakistan. The Deobandi fatwas underpinned the Pashtun uprising against the British during the Afghan Wars, against the Soviet Union after 1979, and now against the United States. Since Afghanistan has been under occupation, the Jihad was legitimate. The Takfiri streak came to the surface after the Taliban began to govern much of Afghanistan. The Taliban declared Jihad against sin. There was much sin in Afghanistan like tribal or ethnic wars; buying and selling of womenfolk; and homosexuality. The Taliban rule was accepted as benign face of fundamentalism for a while. But the State has to make many more decisions to interact with the world. The Taliban turned out to have little understanding of statecraft and ended up being isolated. Poverty spread and draconian punishments made them unpopular. Short of cash, they welcomed the Takfiri of Al-Qaeda whose ideology resembled their own Deobandi faith. It was the Takfiri who were responsible for 9/11 attack on the twin towers of New York. In consequence, the American invaded Afghanistan and have been in occupation of that country ever since. India was welcomed by the American and Karzai regime in Afghanistan and the Afghan Deobandis came in direct contact with Indian Deobandis. Under India’s influence, Pakistan was portrayed as a Muslim collaborator of the USA deserving of more sever punishment than the Americans. The Pakistani Taliban is the product of that perverse logic. They are at war in Pakistan against sin, against shirk, against subverted aqeeda, and against collaborators of the USA.

The Jihad in Afghanistan has become transformed from being Jihad against occupation to Jihad against sin and ‘wrong’ aqeeda, to Jihad against America’s collaborators. The war has spread to Pakistan and is killing more Pakistanis than Afghans. The war would soon reach India. When it reaches India, the Deobandi Clerics would not be its guides or in control. Because of the overwhelming number of non-Muslims, the Jihad in India cannot be against sin, or subverted aqeeda; it has to be against collaborator of the USA and Israel, which the Indian state has become. The methods employed by the Islamic Resistance in Afghanistan and the Taliban of Pakistan are the same as that of Maoists of India and Nepal; they seek control of rural areas first. The objectives and targets of the Islamic Movement are different in every country. In India the objectives and methods of the Maoist Movement and the Islamic Movement converge; both operate as liberation movement. The Islamic Movement is in its infancy in India at the moment. But the intifada in Kashmir and the aggressiveness of the Indian State in demonising Pakistan and crushing Muslims is bound to invite powerful response. Would the Islamic Movement in India operate as allies of the Maoist Movement or as a stand alone movement confined to slums of Indian cities? Would India seek to pre-empt the Muslim response by invasion of Pakistan? It is hard to make any predictions. That South Asia is going to face instability and insurrection widely and intensely is beyond doubt.

Conclusion

India is making economic progress at a very fast rate. America and the West want India to become a model of Asian Capitalism which is preferred by other Asians as a source of education and inspiration. The shackles of caste apartheid and intense hate for Islam and Muslim would prevent the Indian society from being a model. Poverty and destitution may not actually spread but would be increasingly intolerable because of the affluence flaunted by the rich. Already the rich are buying companies and homes in Europe and USA. India’s industry and services would depend more and more on foreign capital. The result may be that the Indian entrepreneurs own as much abroad as foreign enterprises own in India. The poor in India would be sidelined; the Muslims and Maoists would promise the alternative; it is hard to predict when equilibrium would be established and what it would look like.

I believe that India could find stability despite the un-nerving crisis it faces if it allowed the right of self-determination to the people of J&K, the Sikhs and the peoples of Assam. The Islamic and the Maoist Movements want India to restructure the society and the state; what they want is good for India. China is better equipped to deal with the future because it had an egalitarian Communist revolution first. India would still be as well equipped to become a force for peace and prosperity if it had an egalitarian revolution in tandem with its economic revolution. But India would neither be a vehicle for peace nor prosperity if it continued to have imperial ambitions against the poor within or against its neighbours. Not many people are holding their breath awaiting a transformation in India that accommodates the Maoists and Muslims. India is more likely to remain an ally of America which wants to remain the sole super power, and of Israel still seeking to dominate the Middle East. In the immediate future India would gain from its strategic partnership with America and Israel but this course would inevitably lead to the Indian Army being committed in wars abroad. Already, India is facing enemy within which is using tactics of asymmetrical war; the collapse of India would be hastened by wars against neighbours or overseas. Regrettably, that is the course on which India has embarked.

US-Pakistan: Old Allies Under Media Attack

June 17, 2010

By Zaheerul Hassan

The perception regarding widening gulf between Pakistan and US relationship is being projected out of proportions. There are some vested quarters who do not want to see cordial and warm relations between the US and Pakistan. The last such blow has come from Thomas Houlahan, an associate at the Center for Security and Science writing in his paper, “Time for the United States to Choose,” has very conveniently sidelined all the contributions of Pakistan in war against terror which is basically The US War. Likewise many other writers and Zionist funded Think Tanks like The Heritage are busy spewing venom.


Robert Gates in Gen Kayani’s Office

They are increasingly attacking Pakistan’s Nukes , democracy , Intelligence and security agencies. The latest being where in Rupert Murdoch’s London Times they openly accused President Zardari and ISI for taking sides with Taliban. Such irresponsible and unfounded allegations will not do any good, on the contrary they would derive a wedge between America and Pakistan at a critical time when America needs Pakistan the most.

Even American intelligence agencies at times do not share intelligence even with the host authorities despite carrying out operations from Pakistani territory. In this connection, the incident of U-2 of the past and drone attacks of the current era are the examples of miss trust between the two states. Gareth Porter writes in story “the U.S, Central Intelligence’s refusal to share with other agencies even the most basic data on the bombing attacks by remote-controlled unmanned predator drones in Pakistan’s northwestern tribal religion, combined with recent revelations that CIA operatives have been paying Pakistan to identify the targets, suggest that managers of the drone attacks programmes have been using the total secrecy surrounding the programme to hide abuses and high civilian causalities.

At the same time it might not be wrong of acknowledging from the outset that our foreign policy makers have never kept national interests on the forefront while making policy and establishing international relations. Most of the time international relations and foreign policy have been prepared while keeping in view the whimsical approach of the rulers. Though, Pakistan since her inception joined American and western block but somehow trust deficit in diplomatic relations between them somehow could not be reduced. At the end of cold war in 1990, Pakistan lost precious time in adjusting to the new realities in the changed world. The world is in the midst of radical transformation and it has posed new challenges to Pakistan’s role in regional and global affairs. In the contemporary time Pakistan has also been placed in a very precarious position and new International/Regional environments has under gone a major transformation over the last couple of years. The post cold war scenario offers opportunities as well as brought new problems for Pakistan. This is a time to explore the new options to strengthen the country’s security and Integrity.

However, in the new circumstances the “objectives” of Pakistan Foreign policy is to make country strong against external threats and defend its national identity and independence. The most important factor of our future inter relations would of having close ties with all global powers. In 21ist century, we have to policy of emotionalism and have to adopt the policy of realism, economic growth, globalization factor, currant adverse regional security environment. The policy makers have to revise the policy in general particularly with U.S, while keeping in view of our national interests under changing geo-political environment.

For better relationship with the Muslim world, American top brass and think tanks has to find the flaws at their ends and rather than playing in the hands of anti Pakistan and anti Muslim elements present in their rows. American policy makers have to forego the hunting down policy in relation to Pakistan. It is mentionable here that Indian and Jews are present in most of western and American think tanks. They are twisting and controlling the Washington and London policies and busy in fomenting propaganda against Muslim world in general and particularly against lonely nuclear Islamic Power.

Recently, in June 2010, Matt Waldman of Crisis states Research Centre levelled baseless allegations in his discussion paper against Pakistani President, Inter Services Intelligence and Army while reporting their connections with Taliban leaders. Matt alleged that although the Taliban has a strong endogenous impetus, according to Taliban commanders the ISI orchestrates, sustains and strongly influences the movement. They say it gives sanctuary to both Taliban and Haqqani commanders; it controls the most violent insurgents. According to both Taliban and Haqqani commanders, it control the most violent insurgent units, some of which to be based in Pakistan.

Matt also blamed that President Zardari himself has apparently assured captive, senior Taliban leaders that they are ‘our people’ and have his backing. In fact Matt Waldman reports is just a junk which he thrown prior to the start of second round of Pak-US Strategic Dialogues which is being held on July 21, 2010. Actually number of such type think tanks and anti Obama elements of CIA is determined to fail the first black president. Jews other wise are not feeling confident over the on going American policy towards Israel.

Anyhow, there is a need to amylase U.S-Pak relations in detail aiming to find out the gaps with a view to improve upon already deteriorating relations of two vital players of war against At the same time American administration should devise some mechanism of sorting out so called think tanks which are being funded by Jews and Indian lobby for spreading poison and widening gap between Muslim World and America.

On Memorial Day, the war continues

June 1, 2010

Olivia Hampton

The 1000th US soldier to die in Afghanistan is a grim milestone in a war which has not borne the promised fruits of democracy


Fallen US troops will be remembered at Arlington National Cemetery on Memorial Day.

he war in Afghanistan passed a grim milestone on Friday in a stark reminder of just how protracted and costly the fight against the Taliban and their al-Qaida allies will be.

The 1,000th US soldier died in Afghanistan just as flags were placed upon endless rows of shiny white headstones on hills overlooking Washington at Arlington National Cemetery ahead of Memorial Day. And Afghanistan is now just days away from becoming America’s longest war.

Although it has been nearly 104 months since the US invaded Afghanistan in the heady days that followed 9/11, the war is far from America’s bloodiest. It has drifted in and out of public consciousness as a distant, far-off conflict, with many years spent in relative obscurity overshadowed by the far more costly Iraq war.

But nearly nine years on, the constant drumbeat has taken its toll and “war of necessity” or not, the untold tragedies it has left in its wake are piling up. With international forces readying amajor offensive in the Taliban’s spiritual heartland of Kandahar this summer, the end of the tunnel is nowhere in sight.

President Barack Obama has poured thousands more US troops into the long under-resourced conflict and for the first time ever, the number of American forces in Afghanistan exceeds that in Iraq. Afghan war costs will also eclipse those in Iraq this year for the first time since the 2003 invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein’s regime.

Ramping up the war has its price – the number of US fatalities in and around Afghanistan last year was twice more than in 2008. By year’s end, there will be 98,000 US troops in Afghanistan for a total foreign military presence of 150,000 forces.

As they head to the polls this November with their thinning wallets, American voters will also have an eye to the trillion-dollar pricetag of US involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan so far, paid with continued swipes of Washington’s Chinese credit card. A $60bn war-funding bill has already cleared the Senate and now awaits consideration in the lower chamber next month.

It’s a “big messy process”, Obama acknowledged in his latest news conference when asked about his plans to begin transferring control of security to in the least contested parts of Afghanistan in July 2011 and withdrawing American forces. Pentagon chief Robert Gates has already hinted that perhaps only a “handful” of US troops would leave Afghanistan by that target date.

Meanwhile, the Obama administration has sharply dialled back its once-virulent criticism of its partner in Afghanistan, fraud-marred president Hamid Karzai. Washington’s sense of urgency – as it expands the use of unmanned drones and US special operations for targeted killings in the badlands along the border with Pakistan – is far from being replicated in Karzai’s cabinet, only happy to see Uncle Sam perpetuate its investment in the war-torn country. Karzai is only too eager to court his Iranian neighbours and go with the populist wind, as he pointedly demonstrated with his outbursts that he could join the Taliban “resistance” and that US troops could be seen as occupiers.

The war’s intended objective was to rid the United States of extremist threats from far away lands, but domestic extremism of all hues is now on the rise, the Taliban has regrouped, Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar have eluded capture and Afghanistan once again is ablaze.

For all the soldiers who now lie dead on this Memorial Day, America’s pride is again wounded and an arrogant war has failed to bear the promised fruits of democracy to that rugged, mountainous terrain called Afghanistan.

India urged to revoke draconian law

May 25, 2010

By Iftikhar Gilani

GWANGJU: An international network meeting of civil rights activists, journalists and non-governmental organisations in this South Korean city have called on the Indian government to revoke the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and reject all forms of violence.

The meeting expressed the fears that laws to fight terrorism were creating more terrorists rather than curbing the menace.

Assembled there to commemorate May 18, 1980 Korean uprising against military dictatorship, the meeting also called for an Asian solidarity to protect democracies and human rights midst the war clouds hovering over the region.

Over past few years, the city of Gwangju, 500 kilometres south of Seoul, has been witnessing the biggest annual event of social moment activists, outside the World Social Forum. The launch statement, released at the end of the deliberations, recognised threats and setbacks to democracies in Asia, which it said was threatening the region.

The participants from India, Pakistan and Afghanistan and other countries drew attention to the state and non-state repression against human rights defenders and media. “The demand to protect democracies under threat is strongly increasing among people in Asian societies. Aspirations for Asian solidarity action are fully matured now amongst civil society actors in Korea specifically and in Asian in general,” said the statement.

The South Korean government and the May 18 Foundation have been hosting democratic movements for the last 11 years to attend the carnival that enlivens the memories of the brutally crushed uprising. The uprising paved the way for the democratisation of South Korea seven years later and also showed path of democracy to East European countries and Philippines as well.

Local journalists believe that Gwangju is a testimony to preserve democracy. “We are indebted to the inhabitants of this city. We inherited the fruits of democracy because of their sacrifices,” says a journalist Yi Jung.

The forum has so far awarded the prestigious $50,000 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights to two Indians – Irom Sharmila of Manipur, for her seven-year-long fast against the AFSPA and Lenin Raghuvanshi of Utter Pradesh (UP), for fighting child, bonded labour and discrimination against untouchables.

Koreans remember the May 18 uprising every year to uphold democracy and human rights. Three decades ago, civilians and students in Gwangju, a city of 1.4 million marched through the streets, fuelled by anger at military abuses of power.

Foundation Chairman Honggil Rhee believes there was need of an Asian solidarity and a new mantra for human rights.

He saw tanks mowing down young people gathered at the city centre. Helicopters firing at unarmed civilians. Dead bodies being stashed in garbage trucks and taken for mass burial. “They thought they could crush the movement for democracy and set an example. It backfired because of the people’s resilience. We learnt many things from the rising. We have to constantly fight to get and retain democracy. These were the highest form of sacrifices and we just can’t afford to forget that,” he said.

Room for optimism

April 12, 2010

By Mohsin Hamid

EVER since returning to live in Pakistan a few months ago, I’ve been struck by the pervasive negativity of views here about our country. Whether in conversation, on television, or in the newspaper, what I hear and read often tends to boil down to the same message: our country is going down the drain.


Despite the desperate suffering, Pakistan is also something of a miracle.

But I’m not convinced that it is.

I don’t dispute for a second that these are hard times. Thousands of us died last year in terrorist attacks. Hundreds of thousands were displaced by military operations. Most of us don’t have access to decent schools. Inflation is squeezing our poor and middle class. Millions are, if not starving, hungry. Even those who can afford electricity don’t have it half the day.

Yet despite this desperate suffering, Pakistan is also something of a miracle. It’s worth pointing this out, because incessant pessimism robs us of an important resource: hope.

First, we are a vast nation. We are the sixth most populous country in the world. One in every 40 human beings is Pakistani. There are more people aged 14 and younger in Pakistan than there are in America. A nation is its people, and in our people we have a huge, and significantly untapped, sea of potential.

Second, we are spectacularly diverse. I have travelled to all six of the world’s inhabited continents, and I have seen few countries whose diversity comes close to matching ours. Linguistically, we are home to many major languages. And I mean major: Punjabi is spoken in Pakistan by more people than the entire population of France, Pushto by more than the population of Saudi Arabia, Sindhi by more than Australia, Seraiki by more than the Netherlands, Urdu by more than Cuba, and Balochi by more than Singapore.

Nor is our diversity limited to language. Religiously we are overwhelmingly Muslim, but still we have more non-Muslims than there are people in either Toronto or Miami. We have more Shias than any country besides Iran. Even our majority Sunnis include followers of the Barelvi, Deobandi and numerous other schools, as well as, in all likelihood, many millions who have no idea what school they belong to and don’t really care.

Culturally, too, we are incredibly diverse. We have transvestite talk-show hosts, advocates for “eunuch rights”, burka-wearers, turbaned men with beards, outstanding fast bowlers, mediocre opening batsmen, tribal chieftains, bhang-drinking farmers, semi-nomadic shepherds, and at least one champion female sprinter. We have the Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party and we have Porsche dealerships. We are nobody’s stereotype.

This diversity is an enormous advantage. Not only is there brilliance and potential in our differences, a wealth of experience and ideas, but also our lack of sameness forces us to accommodate each other, to find ways to coexist.

Which brings me to our third great asset. ‘Tolerance’ seems a strange word to apply to a country where women are still buried alive and teenagers have started detonating themselves in busy shopping districts. Yet these acts shock us because they are aberrations, not the norm. Pakistan is characterised not by the outliers among its citizens who are willing to kill those unlike themselves, but by the millions of us who reject every opportunity to do so. Our different linguistic, religious and cultural groups mostly live side by side in relative peace. It usually takes state intervention (whether by our own state, our allies or our enemies) to get us to kill one another, and even then, those who do so are a tiny minority.

The ability to hold our noses and put up with fellow citizens we don’t much like is surely a modern Pakistani characteristic. It could be the result of geography and history, of millennia of invading, being invaded, and dealing with the aftermath. Europe learned the value of peace from World Wars One and Two. Maybe we learned our lesson from the violence of partition or ’71. Call it pragmatism or cosmopolitanism or whatever you want, but I think most Pakistanis have it. I’ll call it coexistence-ism, and it’s a blessing.

Over the past 60-some years, with many disastrous missteps along the way, our vastness, diversity and coexistence-ism have forced us to develop (or to begin to develop, for it is a work in progress) our fourth great asset: the many related components of our democracy. Between India and Europe, there is no country with a combination of diversity and democracy that comes close to ours. Other than Turkey, the rest are dictatorships, monarchies, apartheid states or under foreign occupation.

We, on the other hand, are evolving a system that allows our population to decide how they will be ruled. Many of our politicians may be corrupt and venal, but they are part of a lively and hotly contested multiparty democracy. Many in our media may be immature or serving vested interests, but collectively they engage in a no-holds-barred debate that exposes, criticises, entertains and informs – and through television they have given our country, for the first time in its history, a genuine public space. Our judges may have a rather unusual understanding of the correct relationship between legislature and judiciary, but they are undoubtedly expanding the rule of law – and hence the power of the average citizen – in a land where it has been almost absent.

As I see it, the Pakistan project is a messy search for ways to improve the lives of 180 million very different citizens. False nationalism won’t work: we are too diverse to believe it. That is why our dictatorships inevitably end. Theocracy won’t work: we are too diverse to agree on the interpretation of religious laws. That is why the Taliban won’t win.

Can democracy deliver? In some ways it already is. The NFC award and, hopefully, the 18th Amendment, are powerful moves towards devolution of power to the provinces. Too much centralisation has been stifling in a country as diverse as ours. That is about to change. And the pressure of democracy seems likely to go further, moving power below the provinces to regions and districts. Cities like Karachi and Lahore have shown that good local governance is possible in Pakistan. That lesson can now start to spread.

Similarly, democracy is pushing us to raise revenue. Our taxes amount to a tiny 10 per cent of GDP. After spending on defence and interest on our debt, we are left with precious little for schools, hospitals, roads, electricity, water and social support. We, and especially our rich, must pay more. American economic aid comes to less than nine dollars per Pakistani per year. That isn’t much, and the secret is: we shouldn’t need it. New taxes, whether as VAT or in some other form, could give us far more.

Our free assemblies, powerful media and independent judiciary collectively contain within them both pressures to raise taxes and mechanisms to see that taxes actually get paid. This is new for Pakistan. Our number one war shouldn’t be a war on terrorists or a cold war with India or a war against fishing for the ball outside off-stump (although all of those matter): it should be a war on free riders, on people taking advantage of what Pakistan offers without paying their fair share in taxes to our society. Luckily this war looks like it is ready to escalate, and not a moment too soon.

I have no idea if things will work out for the best. The pessimists may be right. But it seems mistaken to write Pakistan off. We have reasons for optimism too.


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